Since Xi and his new team were promoted to the top of the party in mid-November, their to-do list has focused on repairing the regime’s tarnished image.
This past year has been the leadership’s annus horribilis; the party has been rocked by high-level political purges, corruption scandals, and revelations that authorities and their relatives abused power to amass enormous wealth. Xi himself warned that unless China’s crooked cadres are reined in, the country could experience growing unrest—even collapse . Now, 2013 is shaping up to be the year of the party makeover. After the new Politburo met in early December, state media reported on a sweeping campaign to trim official spending and roll up the red carpet. New dos and don’ts for party functionaries include eliminating lavish airport welcoming ceremonies, infl ated official entourages, and jargon-filled “empty and unnecessary documents.” Official expenditures, foreign travel, the size and number of government meetings, extravagant banquets, traffic-snarling motorcades, and the mindless but self-aggrandizing public appearances in which many leaders specialize—like pompous ribbon-cutting and ground-breaking ceremonies—must be trimmed back.
The campaign to cut bloat has pleasantly surprised many Chinese. And party watchdogs have also moved quickly in recent weeks to show they’re serious about targeting graft. A local party secretary in Chongqing was purged after a sex video went viral online, showing him in bed with a young woman reportedly hired to blackmail him into giving out lucrative contracts. An alternative member of the party’s powerful Central Committee, promoted just last month, is now being investigated for corruption. And Chinese authorities asked officials in the gambling enclave of Macao—where much of the casino winnings are believed to be embezzled mainland wealth—to tighten up their scrutiny of financial transfers.
Beijing is preparing more substantial changes, too. Xi and premier-to-be Li Keqiang are expected to unveil an ambitious government restructuring—possibly next spring —that will streamline 44 ministeriallevel government bodies into as few as 24. (The country’s central bank is slated to become an independent body, free from supervision by the Chinese cabinet.) Xi also pledged to uphold the rule of law, which has often languished under the weight of official privilege and lack of accountability. “We need to treat people’s needs fairly and endeavor to make them feel justice has been done in every single case,” he said.
To be sure, previous administrations have assumed office promising to boost law and order—only to get bogged down due to vested interests. (Former premier Zhu Rongji launched a “Strike Hard” campaign against crime and corruption in the ’90s; it fizzled after less than a year.) Nor is Xi embracing change to the point of introducing Western-style democracy.
Party leaders seem united in eschewing “Western paths” for their political and economic development. Chinese goals, Chinese values, and Chinese iconography are the foundation of what has come to be known as Xi’s watershed “Chinese Dream ” speech.
Melinda Liu is Bejiing bureau chief for Newsweek and The Daily Beast, a veteran foreign correspondent, and recipient of a number of awards, including the 2006 Shorenstein Journalism Award, acknowledging her reporting on Asia.